Crito
by
Plato
Translated by Benjamin Jowett
Modified by Antihubris.com
SCENE: The Prison of Socrates.
SOCRATES: Why have you come at this hour, Crito? it must
be quite early.
CRITO: Yes, certainly.
SOCRATES: What is the exact time?
CRITO: The dawn is breaking.
SOCRATES: I wonder that the keeper of the prison would
let you in.
CRITO: He knows me because I often come, Socrates;
moreover. I have done him a kindness.
SOCRATES: And are you only just arrived?
CRITO: No, I came some time ago.
SOCRATES: Then why did you sit and say nothing, instead
of at once awakening me?
CRITO: I should not have liked myself, Socrates, to be in
such great trouble and unrest as you are--indeed I should
not: I have been watching with amazement your peaceful
slumbers; and for that reason I did not awake you,
because I wished to minimize the pain. I have always
thought you to be of a happy disposition; but never did I
see anything like the easy, tranquil manner in which you
bear this calamity.
SOCRATES: Why, Crito, when a man has reached my age he
ought not to be repining at the approach of death.
CRITO: And yet other old men find themselves in similar
misfortunes, and age does not prevent them from repining.
SOCRATES: That is true. But you have not told me why you
come at this early hour.
CRITO: I come to bring you a message which is sad and
painful; not, as I believe, to yourself, but to all of us
who are your friends, and saddest of all to me.
SOCRATES: What? Has the ship come from Delos, on the
arrival of which I am to die?
CRITO: No, the ship has not actually arrived, but she
will probably be here to-day, as persons who have come
from Sunium tell me that they have left her there; and
therefore to-morrow, Socrates, will be the last day of
your life.
SOCRATES: Very well, Crito; if such is the will of God, I
am willing; but my belief is that there will be a delay
of a day.
CRITO: Why do you think so?
SOCRATES: I will tell you. I am to die on the day after
the arrival of the ship?
CRITO: Yes; that is what the authorities say.
SOCRATES: But I do not think that the ship will be here
until to-morrow; this I infer from a vision which I had
last night, or rather only just now, when you fortunately
allowed me to sleep.
CRITO: And what was the nature of the vision?
SOCRATES: There appeared to me the likeness of a woman,
fair and comely, clothed in bright raiment, who called to
me and said: O Socrates,
'The third day hence to fertile Phthia shalt thou go.'
(Homer, Il.)
CRITO: What a singular dream, Socrates!
SOCRATES: There can be no doubt about the meaning, Crito,
I think.
CRITO: Yes; the meaning is only too clear. But, oh! my
beloved Socrates, let me entreat you once more to take my
advice and escape. For if you die I shall not only lose a
friend who can never be replaced, but there is another
evil: people who do not know you and me will believe that
I might have saved you if I had been willing to give
money, but that I did not care. Now, can there be a worse
disgrace than this--that I should be thought to value
money more than the life of a friend? For the many will
not be persuaded that I wanted you to escape, and that
you refused.
SOCRATES: But why, my dear Crito, should we care about
the opinion of the many? Good men, and they are the only
persons who are worth considering, will think of these
things truly as they occurred.
CRITO: But you see, Socrates, that the opinion of the
many must be regarded, for what is now happening shows
that they can do the greatest evil to any one who has
lost their good opinion.
SOCRATES: I only wish it were so, Crito; and that the
many could do the greatest evil; for then they would also
be able to do the greatest good-- and what a fine thing
this would be! But in reality they can do neither; for
they cannot make a man either wise or foolish; and
whatever they do is the result of chance.
CRITO: Well, I will not dispute with you; but please to
tell me, Socrates, whether you are not acting out of
regard to me and your other friends: are you not afraid
that if you escape from prison we may get into trouble
with the informers for having stolen you away, and lose
either the whole or a great part of our property; or that
even a worse evil may happen to us? Now, if you fear on
our account, be at ease; for in order to save you, we
ought surely to run this, or even a greater risk; be
persuaded, then, and do as I say.
SOCRATES: Yes, Crito, that is one fear which you mention,
but by no means the only one.
CRITO: Fear not--there are persons who are willing to get
you out of prison at no great cost; and as for the
informers they are far from being exorbitant in their
demands--a little money will satisfy them. My means,
which are certainly ample, are at your service, and if
you have a scruple about spending all mine, here are
strangers who will give you the use of theirs; and one of
them, Simmias the Theban, has brought a large sum of
money for this very purpose; and Cebes and many others
are prepared to spend their money in helping you to
escape. I say, therefore, do not hesitate on our account,
and do not say, as you did in the court (compare Apol.),
that you will have a difficulty in knowing what to do
with yourself anywhere else. For men will love you in
other places to which you may go, and not in Athens only;
there are friends of mine in Thessaly, if you like to go
to them, who will value and protect you, and no
Thessalian will give you any trouble. Nor can I think
that you are at all justified, Socrates, in betraying
your own life when you might be saved; in acting thus you
are playing into the hands of your enemies, who are
hurrying on your destruction. And further I should say
that you are deserting your own children; for you might
bring them up and educate them; instead of which you go
away and leave them, and they will have to take their
chance; and if they do not meet with the usual fate of
orphans, there will be small thanks to you. No man should
bring children into the world who is unwilling to
persevere to the end in their nurture and education. But
you appear to be choosing the easier part, not the better
and manlier, which would have been more becoming in one
who professes to care for virtue in all his actions, like
yourself. And indeed, I am ashamed not only of you, but
of us who are your friends, when I reflect that the whole
business will be attributed entirely to our want of
courage. The trial need never have come on, or might have
been managed differently; and this last act, or crowning
folly, will seem to have occurred through our negligence
and cowardice, who might have saved you, if we had been
good for anything; and you might have saved yourself, for
there was no difficulty at all. See now, Socrates, how
sad and discreditable are the consequences, both to us
and you. Make up your mind then, or rather have your mind
already made up, for the time of deliberation is over,
and there is only one thing to be done, which must be
done this very night, and if we delay at all will be no
longer practicable or possible; I beseech you therefore,
Socrates, be persuaded by me, and do as I say.
SOCRATES: Dear Crito, your zeal is invaluable, if a right
one; but if wrong, the greater the zeal the greater the
danger; and therefore we ought to consider whether I
shall or shall not do as you say. For I am and always
have been one of those natures who must be guided by
reason, whatever the reason may be which upon reflection
appears to me to be the best; and now that this chance
has befallen me, I cannot repudiate my own words: the
principles which I have hitherto honoured and revered I
still honour, and unless we can at once find other and
better principles, I am certain not to agree with you;
no, not even if the power of the multitude could inflict
many more imprisonments, confiscations, deaths,
frightening us like children with hobgoblin terrors
(compare Apol.). What will be the fairest way of
considering the question? Shall I return to your old
argument about the opinions of men?--we were saying that
some of them are to be regarded, and others not. Now were
we right in maintaining this before I was condemned? And
has the argument which was once good now proved to be
talk for the sake of talking--mere childish nonsense?
That is what I want to consider with your help,
Crito:--whether, under my present circumstances, the
argument appears to be in any way different or not; and
is to be allowed by me or disallowed. That argument,
which, as I believe, is maintained by many persons of
authority, was to the effect, as I was saying, that the
opinions of some men are to be regarded, and of other men
not to be regarded. Now you, Crito, are not going to die
to-morrow--at least, there is no human probability of
this, and therefore you are disinterested and not liable
to be deceived by the circumstances in which you are
placed. Tell me then, whether I am right in saying that
some opinions, and the opinions of some men only, are to
be valued, and that other opinions, and the opinions of
other men, are not to be valued. I ask you whether I was
right in maintaining this?
CRITO: Certainly.
SOCRATES: The good are to be regarded, and not the bad?
CRITO: Yes.
SOCRATES: And the opinions of the wise are good, and the
opinions of the unwise are evil?
CRITO: Certainly.
SOCRATES: And what was said about another matter? Is the
pupil who devotes himself to the practice of gymnastics
supposed to attend to the praise and blame and opinion of
every man, or of one man only--his physician or trainer,
whoever he may be?
CRITO: Of one man only.
SOCRATES: And he ought to fear the censure and welcome
the praise of that one only, and not of the many?
CRITO: Clearly so.
SOCRATES: And he ought to act and train, and eat and
drink in the way which seems good to his single master
who has understanding, rather than according to the
opinion of all other men put together?
CRITO: True.
SOCRATES: And if he disobeys and disregards the opinion
and approval of the one, and regards the opinion of the
many who have no understanding, will he not suffer evil?
CRITO: Certainly he will.
SOCRATES: And what will the evil be, whither tending and
what affecting, in the disobedient person?
CRITO: Clearly, affecting the body; that is what is
destroyed by the evil.
SOCRATES: Very good; and is not this true, Crito, of
other things which we need not separately enumerate? In
questions of just and unjust, fair and foul, good and
evil, which are the subjects of our present consultation,
ought we to follow the opinion of the many and to fear
them; or the opinion of the one man who has
understanding? ought we not to fear and reverence him
more than all the rest of the world: and if we desert him
shall we not destroy and injure that principle in us
which may be assumed to be improved by justice and
deteriorated by injustice;--there is such a principle?
CRITO: Certainly there is, Socrates.
SOCRATES: Take a parallel instance:--if, acting under the
advice of those who have no understanding, we destroy
that which is improved by health and is deteriorated by
disease, would life be worth having? And that which has
been destroyed is--the body?
CRITO: Yes.
SOCRATES: Could we live, having an evil and corrupted
body?
CRITO: Certainly not.
SOCRATES: And will life be worth having, if that higher
part of man be destroyed, which is improved by justice
and depraved by injustice? Do we suppose that principle,
whatever it may be in man, which has to do with justice
and injustice, to be inferior to the body?
CRITO: Certainly not.
SOCRATES: More honourable than the body?
CRITO: Far more.
SOCRATES: Then, my friend, we must not regard what the
many say of us: but what he, the one man who has
understanding of just and unjust, will say, and what the
truth will say. And therefore you begin in error when you
advise that we should regard the opinion of the many
about just and unjust, good and evil, honorable and
dishonorable.--'Well,' some one will say, 'but the many
can kill us.'
CRITO: Yes, Socrates; that will clearly be the answer.
SOCRATES: And it is true; but still I find with surprise
that the old argument is unshaken as ever. And I should
like to know whether I may say the same of another
proposition--that not life, but a good life, is to be
chiefly valued?
CRITO: Yes, that also remains unshaken.
SOCRATES: And a good life is equivalent to a just and
honorable one--that holds also?
CRITO: Yes, it does.
SOCRATES: From these premisses I proceed to argue the
question whether I ought or ought not to try and escape
without the consent of the Athenians: and if I am clearly
right in escaping, then I will make the attempt; but if
not, I will abstain. The other considerations which you
mention, of money and loss of character and the duty of
educating one's children, are, I fear, only the doctrines
of the multitude, who would be as ready to restore people
to life, if they were able, as they are to put them to
death--and with as little reason. But now, since the
argument has thus far prevailed, the only question which
remains to be considered is, whether we shall do rightly
either in escaping or in suffering others to aid in our
escape and paying them in money and thanks, or whether in
reality we shall not do rightly; and if the latter, then
death or any other calamity which may ensue on my
remaining here must not be allowed to enter into the
calculation.
CRITO: I think that you are right, Socrates; how then
shall we proceed?
SOCRATES: Let us consider the matter together, and do you
either refute me if you can, and I will be convinced; or
else cease, my dear friend, from repeating to me that I
ought to escape against the wishes of the Athenians: for
I highly value your attempts to persuade me to do so, but
I may not be persuaded against my own better judgment.
And now please to consider my first position, and try how
you can best answer me.
CRITO: I will.
SOCRATES: Are we to say that we are never intentionally
to do wrong, or that in one way we ought and in another
way we ought not to do wrong, or is doing wrong always
evil and dishonorable, as I was just now saying, and as
has been already acknowledged by us? Are all our former
admissions which were made within a few days to be thrown
away? And have we, at our age, been earnestly discoursing
with one another all our life long only to discover that
we are no better than children? Or, in spite of the
opinion of the many, and in spite of consequences whether
better or worse, shall we insist on the truth of what was
then said, that injustice is always an evil and dishonour
to him who acts unjustly? Shall we say so or not?
CRITO: Yes.
SOCRATES: Then we must do no wrong?
CRITO: Certainly not.
SOCRATES: Nor when injured injure in return, as the many
imagine; for we must injure no one at all? (E.g. compare
Rep.)
CRITO: Clearly not.
SOCRATES: Again, Crito, may we do evil?
CRITO: Surely not, Socrates.
SOCRATES: And what of doing evil in return for evil,
which is the morality of the many--is that just or not?
CRITO: Not just.
SOCRATES: For doing evil to another is the same as
injuring him?
CRITO: Very true.
SOCRATES: Then we ought not to retaliate or render evil
for evil to any one, whatever evil we may have suffered
from him. But I would have you consider, Crito, whether
you really mean what you are saying. For this opinion has
never been held, and never will be held, by any
considerable number of persons; and those who are agreed
and those who are not agreed upon this point have no
common ground, and can only despise one another when they
see how widely they differ. Tell me, then, whether you
agree with and assent to my first principle, that neither
injury nor retaliation nor warding off evil by evil is
ever right. And shall that be the premiss of our
argument? Or do you decline and dissent from this? For so
I have ever thought, and continue to think; but, if you
are of another opinion, let me hear what you have to say.
If, however, you remain of the same mind as formerly, I
will proceed to the next step.
CRITO: You may proceed, for I have not changed my mind.
SOCRATES: Then I will go on to the next point, which may
be put in the form of a question:--Ought a man to do what
he admits to be right, or ought he to betray the right?
CRITO: He ought to do what he thinks right.
SOCRATES: But if this is true, what is the application?
In leaving the prison against the will of the Athenians,
do I wrong any? or rather do I not wrong those whom I
ought least to wrong? Do I not desert the principles
which were acknowledged by us to be just--what do you
say?
CRITO: I cannot tell, Socrates, for I do not know.
SOCRATES: Then consider the matter in this way:--Imagine
that I am about to play truant (you may call the
proceeding by any name which you like), and the laws and
the government come and interrogate me: 'Tell us,
Socrates,' they say; 'what are you about? are you not
going by an act of yours to overturn us--the laws, and
the whole state, as far as in you lies? Do you imagine
that a state can subsist and not be overthrown, in which
the decisions of law have no power, but are set aside and
trampled upon by individuals?' What will be our answer,
Crito, to these and the like words? Any one, and
especially a rhetorician, will have a good deal to say on
behalf of the law which requires a sentence to be carried
out. He will argue that this law should not be set aside;
and shall we reply, 'Yes; but the state has injured us
and given an unjust sentence.' Suppose I say that?
CRITO: Very good, Socrates.
SOCRATES: 'And was that our agreement with you?' the law
would answer; 'or were you to abide by the sentence of
the state?' And if I were to express my astonishment at
their words, the law would probably add: 'Answer,
Socrates, instead of opening your eyes--you are in the
habit of asking and answering questions. Tell us,--What
complaint have you to make against us which justifies you
in attempting to destroy us and the state? In the first
place did we not bring you into existence? Your father
married your mother by our aid and begat you. Say whether
you have any objection to urge against those of us who
regulate marriage?' None, I should reply. 'Or against
those of us who after birth regulate the nurture and
education of children, in which you also were trained?
Were not the laws, which have the charge of education,
right in commanding your father to train you in music and
gymnastic?' Right, I should reply. 'Well then, since you
were brought into the world and nurtured and educated by
us, can you deny in the first place that you are our
child and slave, as your fathers were before you? And if
this is true you are not on equal terms with us; nor can
you think that you have a right to do to us what we are
doing to you. Would you have any right to strike or
revile or do any other evil to your father or your
master, if you had one, because you have been struck or
reviled by him, or received some other evil at his
hands?--you would not say this? And because we think
right to destroy you, do you think that you have any
right to destroy us in return, and your country as far as
in you lies? Will you, O professor of true virtue,
pretend that you are justified in this? Has a philosopher
like you failed to discover that our country is more to
be valued and higher and holier far than mother or father
or any ancestor, and more to be regarded in the eyes of
the gods and of men of understanding? also to be soothed,
and gently and reverently entreated when angry, even more
than a father, and either to be persuaded, or if not
persuaded, to be obeyed? And when we are punished by her,
whether with imprisonment or stripes, the punishment is
to be endured in silence; and if she lead us to wounds or
death in battle, thither we follow as is right; neither
may any one yield or retreat or leave his rank, but
whether in battle or in a court of law, or in any other
place, he must do what his city and his country order
him; or he must change their view of what is just: and if
he may do no violence to his father or mother, much less
may he do violence to his country.' What answer shall we
make to this, Crito? Do the laws speak truly, or do they
not?
CRITO: I think that they do.
SOCRATES: Then the laws will say: 'Consider, Socrates, if
we are speaking truly that in your present attempt you
are going to do us an injury. For, having brought you
into the world, and nurtured and educated you, and given
you and every other citizen a share in every good which
we had to give, we further proclaim to any Athenian by
the liberty which we allow him, that if he does not like
us when he has become of age and has seen the ways of the
city, and made our acquaintance, he may go where he
pleases and take his goods with him. None of us laws will
forbid him or interfere with him. Any one who does not
like us and the city, and who wants to emigrate to a
colony or to any other city, may go where he likes,
retaining his property. But he who has experience of the
manner in which we order justice and administer the
state, and still remains, has entered into an implied
contract that he will do as we command him. And he who
disobeys us is, as we maintain, thrice wrong: first,
because in disobeying us he is disobeying his parents;
secondly, because we are the authors of his education;
thirdly, because he has made an agreement with us that he
will duly obey our commands; and he neither obeys them
nor convinces us that our commands are unjust; and we do
not rudely impose them, but give him the alternative of
obeying or convincing us;--that is what we offer, and he
does neither.
'These are the sort of accusations to which, as we were
saying, you, Socrates, will be exposed if you accomplish
your intentions; you, above all other Athenians.' Suppose
now I ask, why I rather than anybody else? they will
justly retort upon me that I above all other men have
acknowledged the agreement. 'There is clear proof,' they
will say, 'Socrates, that we and the city were not
displeasing to you. Of all Athenians you have been the
most constant resident in the city, which, as you never
leave, you may be supposed to love (compare Phaedr.). For
you never went out of the city either to see the games,
except once when you went to the Isthmus, or to any other
place unless when you were on military service; nor did
you travel as other men do. Nor had you any curiosity to
know other states or their laws: your affections did not
go beyond us and our state; we were your especial
favourites, and you acquiesced in our government of you;
and here in this city you begat your children, which is a
proof of your satisfaction. Moreover, you might in the
course of the trial, if you had liked, have fixed the
penalty at banishment; the state which refuses to let you
go now would have let you go then. But you pretended that
you preferred death to exile (compare Apol.), and that
you were not unwilling to die. And now you have forgotten
these fine sentiments, and pay no respect to us the laws,
of whom you are the destroyer; and are doing what only a
miserable slave would do, running away and turning your
back upon the compacts and agreements which you made as a
citizen. And first of all answer this very question: Are
we right in saying that you agreed to be governed
according to us in deed, and not in word only? Is that
true or not?' How shall we answer, Crito? Must we not
assent?
CRITO: We cannot help it, Socrates.
SOCRATES: Then will they not say: 'You, Socrates, are
breaking the covenants and agreements which you made with
us at your leisure, not in any haste or under any
compulsion or deception, but after you have had seventy
years to think of them, during which time you were at
liberty to leave the city, if we were not to your mind,
or if our covenants appeared to you to be unfair. You had
your choice, and might have gone either to Lacedaemon or
Crete, both which states are often praised by you for
their good government, or to some other Hellenic or
foreign state. Whereas you, above all other Athenians,
seemed to be so fond of the state, or, in other words, of
us her laws (and who would care about a state which has
no laws?), that you never stirred out of her; the halt,
the blind, the maimed, were not more stationary in her
than you were. And now you run away and forsake your
agreements. Not so, Socrates, if you will take our
advice; do not make yourself ridiculous by escaping out
of the city.
'For just consider, if you transgress and err in this
sort of way, what good will you do either to yourself or
to your friends? That your friends will be driven into
exile and deprived of citizenship, or will lose their
property, is tolerably certain; and you yourself, if you
fly to one of the neighbouring cities, as, for example,
Thebes or Megara, both of which are well governed, will
come to them as an enemy, Socrates, and their government
will be against you, and all patriotic citizens will cast
an evil eye upon you as a subverter of the laws, and you
will confirm in the minds of the judges the justice of
their own condemnation of you. For he who is a corrupter
of the laws is more than likely to be a corrupter of the
young and foolish portion of mankind. Will you then flee
from well-ordered cities and virtuous men? and is
existence worth having on these terms? Or will you go to
them without shame, and talk to them, Socrates? And what
will you say to them? What you say here about virtue and
justice and institutions and laws being the best things
among men? Would that be decent of you? Surely not. But
if you go away from well-governed states to Crito's
friends in Thessaly, where there is great disorder and
licence, they will be charmed to hear the tale of your
escape from prison, set off with ludicrous particulars of
the manner in which you were wrapped in a goatskin or
some other disguise, and metamorphosed as the manner is
of runaways; but will there be no one to remind you that
in your old age you were not ashamed to violate the most
sacred laws from a miserable desire of a little more
life? Perhaps not, if you keep them in a good temper; but
if they are out of temper you will hear many degrading
things; you will live, but how?--as the flatterer of all
men, and the servant of all men; and doing what?--eating
and drinking in Thessaly, having gone abroad in order
that you may get a dinner. And where will be your fine
sentiments about justice and virtue? Say that you wish to
live for the sake of your children--you want to bring
them up and educate them--will you take them into
Thessaly and deprive them of Athenian citizenship? Is
this the benefit which you will confer upon them? Or are
you under the impression that they will be better cared
for and educated here if you are still alive, although
absent from them; for your friends will take care of
them? Do you fancy that if you are an inhabitant of
Thessaly they will take care of them, and if you are an
inhabitant of the other world that they will not take
care of them? Nay; but if they who call themselves
friends are good for anything, they will--to be sure they
will.
'Listen, then, Socrates, to us who have brought you up.
Think not of life and children first, and of justice
afterwards, but of justice first, that you may be
justified before the princes of the world below. For
neither will you nor any that belong to you be happier or
holier or juster in this life, or happier in another, if
you do as Crito bids. Now you depart in innocence, a
sufferer and not a doer of evil; a victim, not of the
laws, but of men. But if you go forth, returning evil for
evil, and injury for injury, breaking the covenants and
agreements which you have made with us, and wronging
those whom you ought least of all to wrong, that is to
say, yourself, your friends, your country, and us, we
shall be angry with you while you live, and our brethren,
the laws in the world below, will receive you as an
enemy; for they will know that you have done your best to
destroy us. Listen, then, to us and not to Crito.'
This, dear Crito, is the voice which I seem to hear
murmuring in my ears, like the sound of the flute in the
ears of the mystic; that voice, I say, is humming in my
ears, and prevents me from hearing any other. And I know
that anything more which you may say will be vain. Yet
speak, if you have anything to say.
CRITO: I have nothing to say, Socrates.
SOCRATES: Leave me then, Crito, to fulfil the will of
God, and to follow whither he leads.



